第1篇 自由演講稿

閱讀小貼士：本篇共計902個字，預計看完需要3分鐘，共有170位用戶收藏，13人推薦！

霧，蹲在水面上方，使水蒸氣變白。一只藍鳥騎在云層之上。這種清脆響亮的聲音在頭部和耳朵中。它不帶有“幸福鳥”。

尖尖的筆尖埋在小頭上，色彩斑斕的圖案就像水墨畫一樣，有一個幻覺點，卻不失其意境之美。人們也可能只這樣做。美麗令人窒息。

盡管藍鳥很漂亮，但可以用作人類的手。我看過一只藍鳥。在金色的籠子里，鋒利的尖端隨著時間而變鈍，這對翅膀已經(jīng)馴化了，不再用于飛行，而是供人們觀看。外套的顏色比以前漂亮得多，比野鳥漂亮得多。多音不如野生鳥好，聽起來像鮮血。

我近距離觀察了很長時間，才意識到藍鳥從未打開過翅膀。它只是用爪子抓住了“樹枝”，但那是假木材。看來我的到來并沒有驚動它，或者說它不想忽略它。

我忍不住好奇。當我看到它時，我問為什么那只藍鳥沒有飛。不是說它曾經(jīng)生活在籠子里。我看到了一個微笑：“它。當我購買它時，我去了機翼下方的肌肉，這樣即使籠子沒有關(guān)閉，它也不會跑得遠，就像最后一只鳥一樣，它會直接飛向它?！拔視孛艿卣f：“幸福鳥”是“幸福鳥”，將所謂的“幸?！睅Ыo他人，卻破壞了自己的幸福?！?/p>

在這幾天里，藍鳥還是一如既往，沒有什么異常。當有很多人時，這只聰明的藍鳥還會大喊“呼呼”兩次，而且頭會扭曲，使每個人都笑，就像輸了一樣。自尊自重的跳小丑令人著迷，這時它不再美麗，而是謙虛，荒謬和自欺欺人。

我從沒想到玉鳥會采取任何行動。它長期以來的嫉妒表明，渴望在囚禁中自由的火力團體早已被金籠子摧毀。但是，在我們離開的那天早晨，我有一段空隙，我的阿姨在早晨還沒醒來就離開了沙發(fā)，給那只鳥一個模糊的感覺，卻忘記了籠子。當我離開沙發(fā)時，我發(fā)現(xiàn)了這一幕。很著急。我想過這個問題。我記得那只藍鳥不會飛。吃完后我能找到它。沒有翅膀，肥胖的身體和退化的爪子也不允許它們走得太遠。

因此，早餐后，我們每個人都在房子旁邊的花園里，車道上和路上尋找它。我去了屋子后面的小巷，但我看到了一群破爛的血肉，還有幾根綠色的羽毛，在一個黑暗的角落里，抱著一只黑貓，它似乎咬了口。它是什么?我認為那是“幸福愛情鳥”。

突然，我想起那就像一個流血的“丈夫”和一個久違的鈍器……事實證明，它從未放棄追求自由。只是意識到：它無法逃離金籠，只能等待時間的流逝。

霧，在夢中，綠鳥依然美麗。美麗令人窒息。

第2篇 自由演講稿

閱讀小貼士：本篇共計1049個字，預計看完需要3分鐘，共有106位用戶收藏，27人推薦！

各位老師、同學：

大家好!

我今天講的主題是“個人自由與社會公德”。剛才，我縱容了我的自由，讓“思想”飛了一會，卻無意中冒犯了大家寶貴的10秒，因為按照程序，這個時間應(yīng)該是我上臺演講的時間，違背了我們的社會公德。在這里，我誠摯的跟大家說聲：對不起!

這剛剛的過程中，我沒有聽到大家斥責我的聲音!如果我沒有從大家的眼神中感受到大家對我的譴責，而正好又沒有人譴責我，那是不是剛才的遲到就可以當作沒有發(fā)生?因為我沒有意識到，而又沒有人讓我意識到呀。(聳肩、攤手，做無辜狀)其實這就是如今人們漠視社會公德的原因。一方面，沒有形成一個有效的社會輿論。當你意識到有違社會公德的形為發(fā)生時，應(yīng)該及時正確、大膽的說出來。用有聲的語言說出來或者寫出來，而不僅僅是自己內(nèi)心的一個感知而已。另一方面，當今的社會，科技的發(fā)展、網(wǎng)絡(luò)的進步，人們更強調(diào)自我，強調(diào)個性。在追求個性自由的同時，迷失了社會公德卻渾然不知。因為我們太過自我，太過自由，殊不知，這一切的太過終將讓我們付出沉重的代價!

社會公德和個人自由就像風箏和線，風箏只有在線的指引下才不會飄零天涯;個人自由只有在社會公德的指引下才能得到充分體現(xiàn)。飛回流轉(zhuǎn)五千年，從“采菊東籬下，悠然見南山”到“挾飛仙以遨游，抱明月而長終”。個人自由總伴隨著超然外物，逍遙自得，流淌于歷史的松濤竹林之中。春花落了秋日清，冬雪融了夏蟲鳴。社會公德和個人的自由相輔相承。順著社會公德的線，我們可以看到，個人自由的風箏蹁躚起舞。

我向往著自由，大家跟我一樣都有著對自由的執(zhí)著。曾經(jīng)熱血青年‘為中華崛起而讀書’，作為新時代的我們，在和平與發(fā)展的年代中，更應(yīng)該發(fā)奮圖強、好好學習，勇做時代的弄潮兒，將先輩的'旗幟繼承下來發(fā)揚光大!在我們努力學知識、學文化的同時，同樣不能忽略體能的鍛煉。身體是革命的本錢，強身健體同等重要!很喜歡一句話‘一滴水也能折射出太陽的光輝’。縱使我們無法輝煌于歷史，縱使個人的力量再渺小，只要我們?yōu)槔硐牒妥杂啥Γ琅f也能閃亮他人、折射光輝。一次彎腰，可以整齊一方土地;一次行禮，可以溫暖他人心房。小小的善舉，也可以讓世界多些溫暖與陽光!只要人人獻出一點愛，這世界將變成美麗的人間!

其實，文明禮貌是社會公德，助人為樂是社會公德，愛護公物是社會公德，保護環(huán)境是社會公德，遵紀守法同樣是社會公德。社會公德是要融入我們的一言一行中的，是融入我們的日常生活中的。社會公德不是束縛個人自由的枷鎖，它更像一盞指路明燈，點亮我們前行的路。在‘社會公德’這盞燈光的指引下，在追求個人自由的路上，我們可以走得更從容、更淡定!

謝謝大家!

第3篇 自由演講稿

閱讀小貼士：本篇共計7062個字，預計看完需要18分鐘，共有206位用戶收藏，22人推薦！

演講者：laura vanderkam 勞拉·凡德卡姆

中英對照翻譯

when people find out i write about time management, they assume two things. one is that i'm always on time, and i'm not. i have four small children, and i would like to blame them for my occasional tardiness, but sometimes it's just not their fault. i was once late to my own speech on time management.

當人們發(fā)現(xiàn)我寫關(guān)于時間管理的文章時，他們都會假設(shè)兩件事：第一，我永遠都準時，但我并不是。我有四個小孩，我偶爾將遲到歸咎于他們，不過有時候真的不是因為他們。我有一次在去我的一個關(guān)于時間管理的演講時遲到了。

we all had to just take a moment together and savor that irony.

我們都需要一點時間去好好地體味一下這有多么諷刺。

the second thing they assume is that i have lots of tips and tricks for saving bits of time here and there.sometimes i'll hear from magazines that are doing a story along these lines, generally on how to help their readers find an e_tra hour in the day. and the idea is that we'll shave bits of time off everyday activities, add it up, and we'll have time for the good stuff.

第二，人們總是假設(shè)我有很多關(guān)于如何節(jié)省時間的貼士和技巧。有時候我聽說一些雜志 在寫這方面的故事，通常都是關(guān)于教讀者如何在一天中獲得額外一個小時。基本思路就是從日常的每個活動中擠出一點時間，加起來，然后我們就有時間去做更有意思的事情了。

i question the entire premise of this piece, but i'm always interested in hearing what they've come up with before they call me. some of my favorites:doing errands where you only have to make right-hand turns.

我對這個說法持保留意見，不過我還是愿意聽聽他們在找我之前有什么想法。我最喜歡的幾個是：只完成那些只需要右轉(zhuǎn)的事;

being e_tremely judicious in microwave usage: it says three to three-and-a-half minutes on the package, we're totally getting in on the bottom side of that. and my personal favorite, which makes sense on some level, is to dvr your favorite shows so you can fast-forward through the commercials.

在用微波爐時，要極度審慎：當食物包裝上面寫了3到3.5分鐘時，我們要挑時間最短的那個。我個人最喜歡的是，錄下你最喜歡看的電視劇，然后你就可以跳過廣告了。其實在某個程度上，還是挺有道理的。

that way, you save eight minutes every half hour, so in the course of two hours of watching tv, you find 32 minutes to e_ercise.

這樣，你每半個小時就可以擠出八分鐘。那么你蔥用來看電視的兩個小時中，可以擠出32分鐘鍛煉的時間。

which is true. you know another way to find 32 minutes to e_ercise? don't watch two hours of tv a day, right?

倒的確是這么回事兒。你還知道其他可以找到32分鐘鍛煉時間的方法嗎?不要每天都看兩個小時電視就行了，對吧? (笑聲)

anyway, the idea is we'll save bits of time here and there, add it up, we will finally get to everything we want to do. but after studying how successful people spend their time and looking at their schedules hour by hour, i think this idea has it completely backward.

總之，就是要在各處都省點時間，加起來就有時間做我們想做的事了。但在我了解成功的人如何分配時間，并看過了他們的時間表后，我覺得這個想法是完全本末倒置的。

we don't build the lives we want by saving time. we build the lives we want, and then time saves itself.

我們不是通過節(jié)省時間來打造我們想過的生活。我們應(yīng)該先建立我們想要的生活，時間就會自然而然節(jié)省出來。

here's what i mean. i recently did a time diary project looking at 1,001 days in the lives of e_tremely busy women. they had demanding jobs, sometimes their own businesses, kids to care for, maybe parents to care for, community commitments -- busy, busy people.

我來解釋一下。我最近有個時間日記項目，觀察最忙碌的女士生命中的1001天。她們工作繁忙，有時候是自己的生意，有時候要照顧自己的孩子，或者是照顧父母，還有服務(wù)社區(qū)等等——都是一些很忙的人。

i had them keep track of their time for a week so i could add up how much they worked and slept, and i interviewed them about their strategies, for my book.

我讓她們記錄了一星期的行程，計算她們工作和睡覺的時間，為了我的書，我還采訪 了解了她們的常用策略。

one of the women whose time log i studied goes out on a wednesday night for something. she comes home to find that her water heater has broken, and there is now water all over her basement. if you've ever had anything like this happen to you, you know it is a hugely damaging, frightening, sopping mess.

其中一個被我研究過時間表的女士，在一個周三晚上出去了一趟，回家發(fā)現(xiàn)她的熱水器壞了，地下室都被水淹了。如果你也遇到過這種事兒的話，你會知道眼前的景象多么令人崩潰和沮喪。

so she's dealing with the immediate aftermath that night, ne_t day she's got plumbers coming in, day after that, professional cleaning crew dealing with the ruined carpet. all this is being recorded on her time log. winds up taking seven hours of her week. seven hours. that's like finding an e_tra hour in the day.

于是那個晚上她立刻著手處理，第二天她找了一個水管工，第三天找了專業(yè)的清理人員 來處理損壞的地毯。所有這些都算在了她的時間表內(nèi)?？偣不怂恢苤械钠邆€小時。七個小時。這就等于一周七天每天都要擠出一個小時。

but i'm sure if you had asked her at the start of the week, 'could you find seven hours to train for a triathlon?' 'could you find seven hours to mentor seven worthy people?' i'm sure she would've said what most of us would've said, which is, 'no -- can't you see how busy i am?' yet when she had to find seven hours because there is water all over her basement, she found seven hours.

但是假如你在這一周剛開始時就問她，“你能在這周抽出七個小時來參加鐵人三項嗎?”，“你能在這周抽出七個小時指導七個有潛力的人嗎?“ 我確定她會像大多數(shù)人一樣， 說，”怎么可能，你看不出我有多忙嗎?“ 但是她最后不得不抽出七個小時，因為她的地下室都被水淹了， 她擠出了這七個小時。

and what this shows us is that time is highly elastic. we cannot make more time, but time will stretch to accommodate what we choose to put into it.

這件事告訴我們：時間是有彈性的。我們不能創(chuàng)造更多時間，但是時間會自己調(diào)整去適應(yīng)我們選擇去做的事情。

and so the key to time management is treating our priorities as the equivalent of that broken water heater. to get at this, i like to use language from one of the busiest people i ever interviewed. by busy, i mean she was running a small business with 12 people on the payroll, she had si_ children in her spare time.

所以時間管理的關(guān)鍵，就是對待最重要的事情應(yīng)該像對待那個壞了的熱水器一樣。要做到這一點，我要借用我采訪過最忙的人的話。她經(jīng)營著一個小企業(yè)，請了十二名員工，空余時間她還要照顧六個孩子。

i was getting in touch with her to set up an interview on how she 'had it all' -- that phrase. i remember it was a thursday morning, and she was not available to speak with me. of course, right?

我聯(lián)系上了她，想要采訪她關(guān)于她是怎么做到“無所不能”的。我記得那是一個星期四的早晨，她沒時間和我說話。當然了，她很忙。

but the reason she was unavailable to speak with me is that she was out for a hike, because it was a beautiful spring morning, and she wanted to go for a hike. so of course this makes me even more intrigued, and when i finally do catch up with her, she e_plains it like this. she says, 'listen laura, everything i do, every minute i spend, is my choice.'

但是她沒時間和我說話的原因是，她去遠足了。因為那是春季一個美麗的清晨，所以她去遠足了。這樣的她讓我變得更感興趣了，當我最終聯(lián)系上她時，她說：“聽我說，勞拉，我做的所有的事情，我花的每分每秒，都是我的選擇。

and rather than say, 'i don't have time to do _, y or z,' she'd say, 'i don't do _, y or z because it's not a priority.' 'i don't have time,' often means 'it's not a priority.'

”所以與其說， ”我沒有時間做這個，這個，或者那個?！?她會說：”我不做這些事情因為這些不是我的首要任務(wù)。““我沒有時間”的意思通常是 ”那不是我的首要任務(wù)”。

if you think about it, that's really more accurate language. i could tell you i don't have time to dust my blinds, but that's not true. if you offered to pay me $100,000 to dust my blinds, i would get to it pretty quickly.

其實你想想， 那的確是更準確的說法。我可能會告訴你我沒有時間清理百葉窗，但那不是真的。假如你愿意付我10萬美金讓我給百葉窗除塵，我會馬上就去做。 (笑聲)

since that is not going to happen, i can acknowledge this is not a matter of lacking time; it's that i don't want to do it. using this language reminds us that time is a choice. and granted, there may be horrible consequences for making different choices, i will give you that.

既然那不可能發(fā)生，我可以說不是因為時間不夠，而是我不想做。這么說提醒了我們， 時間是一種選擇。我會告訴你，當然，不同的選擇有時候會帶來可怕的后果。

but we are smart people, and certainly over the long run, we have the power to fill our lives with the things that deserve to be there.

但是我們都是聰明人，從長遠來看，我們有能力去選擇一些值得做的事，來填補我們生命中的時間。那么我們應(yīng)該怎么做呢?

so how do we do that? how do we treat our priorities as the equivalent of that broken water heater?

我們要如何像對待那個壞了的熱水器一樣對待我們的首要任務(wù)?首先，我們需要找出哪些事最重要。

well, first we need to figure out what they are. i want to give you two strategies for thinking about this.the first, on the professional side: i'm sure many people coming up to the end of the year are giving or getting annual performance reviews. you look back over your successes over the year, your 'opportunities for growth.' and this serves its purpose, but i find it's more effective to do this looking forward.

我想給你們分享兩個技巧。第一個，從職業(yè)的角度來說：我相信許多人在年底的時候，會發(fā)出或者收到年度績效審查。你回頭看看這一年的成功和 “成長的機會”。這的確起到了它的作用，但是我發(fā)現(xiàn)往前看會更有效。

so i want you to pretend it's the end of ne_t year. you're giving yourself a performance review,and it has been an absolutely amazing year for you professionally. what three to five things did you do that made it so amazing? so you can write ne_t year's performance review now.

我想讓你們把這當做下一年的年底。你在給自己做年度績效審查，在專業(yè)方面，這一年的表現(xiàn)非常出眾。是哪三到五件事使這一年變得如此出眾?你現(xiàn)在就可以寫明年的績效審查。

and you can do this for your personal life, too. i'm sure many of you, like me, come december, get cards that contain these folded up sheets of colored paper, on which is written what is known as the family holiday letter.

你也可以在個人生活方面這么做。我相信你們許多人，包括我，在十二月，都會收到這種夾著彩色紙的卡片。上面寫著“家庭假日信件”。

bit of a wretched genre of literature, really, going on about how amazing everyone in the household is,or even more scintillating, how busy everyone in the household is. but these letters serve a purpose,which is that they tell your friends and family what you did in your personal life that mattered to you over the year.

聽起來像是一個挺悲慘的文學題材，談?wù)摷依锩總€人有多了不起，或者更精彩點，家里每個人有多忙。但是這些信有它們的用處，它們告訴你的朋友和家人你這一年里做了什么對個人生活有意義的事。

so this year's kind of done, but i want you to pretend it's the end of ne_t year, and it has been an absolutely amazing year for you and the people you care about. what three to five things did you do that made it so amazing? so you can write ne_t year's family holiday letter now. don't send it.

那么今年快要結(jié)束了，我想讓你假裝這是明年的年底，對你和你在乎的人來說，這都是無與倫比的一年。哪三到五件事讓你這一年表現(xiàn)如此出色?其實你現(xiàn)在就可以寫明年的家庭假日信件了。先不要發(fā)出去。

please, don't send it. but you can write it. and now, between the performance review and the family holiday letter, we have a list of si_ to ten goals we can work on in the ne_t year.

真的，不要發(fā)出去。但是你可以寫?，F(xiàn)在，有了績效評估和寫給家人的信，我們就有了六到十個明年可以努力的目標。我們需要先把他們分成可行的階段性任務(wù)。

and now we need to break these down into doable steps. so maybe you want to write a family history.first, you can read some other family histories, get a sense for the style. then maybe think about the questions you want to ask your relatives, set up appointments to interview them. or maybe you want to run a 5k. so you need to find a race and sign up, figure out a training plan, and dig those shoes out of the back of the closet.

或許你要寫一個家族傳記。首先嗎，你可以讀讀別人的家族歷史，了解一下大概的風格 然后可以想象你要問親戚的問題，約定和他們見面談話的時間?；蛘吣阆胍獏⒓右粋€五千米的短程馬拉松。你需要先找一個競賽報名，再做一個培訓計劃，從衣柜底下翻出你的運動鞋。

and then -- this is key -- we treat our priorities as the equivalent of that broken water heater, by putting them into our schedules first. we do this by thinking through our weeks before we are in them.

然后——這是關(guān)鍵——我們將我們的首要事件視為那個壞掉的熱水器，將它們優(yōu)先放入我們的日程表里。我們要在事情發(fā)生的幾周前就先想好。

i find a really good time to do this is friday afternoons. friday afternoon is what an economist might calla 'low opportunity cost' time. most of us are not sitting there on friday afternoons saying, 'i am e_cited to make progress toward my personal and professional priorities right now.'

我發(fā)現(xiàn)周五的下午最適合處理這事兒。周五的下午是被經(jīng)濟學家稱為“低機會成本”時間。我們大部分人不會在周五下午想著，“我要朝我的個人和職業(yè)生涯的首要事件邁進了， 所以很興奮?！?/p>

but we are willing to think about what those should be. so take a little bit of time friday afternoon, make yourself a three-category priority list: career, relationships, self. making a three-category list reminds usthat there should be something in all three categories.

但是我們愿意去想那些事是什么。所以在周五下午花一點時間，為自己做一個分成三類的首要事件的列表：事業(yè)、人際關(guān)系、個人。這樣的三項分類列表提醒了我們每一個類別都應(yīng)該有一些事。

career, we think about; relationships, self -- not so much. but anyway, just a short list, two to three items in each. then look out over the whole of the ne_t week, and see where you can plan them in.

事業(yè)，我們經(jīng)常考慮;人際關(guān)系，個人——很少會想。無論如何，只要一個短短的列表，每個都包含兩到三件事。它們會幫助我們看清下周，如何在下周計劃這些事情。你可以決定如何計劃。

where you plan them in is up to you. i know this is going to be more complicated for some people than others. i mean, some people's lives are just harder than others. it is not going to be easy to find time to take that poetry class if you are caring for multiple children on your own. i get that. and i don't want to minimize anyone's struggle. but i do think that the numbers i am about to tell you are empowering.

這可能對一些人來說會比較困難一點。我的意思是，有些人的人生就是比較復雜。如果你自己有好幾個要照顧的小孩，想要找時間去參加詩歌班一定不容易。我懂。我不想輕視任何人的困難。但是我覺得我接下來要說的數(shù)字，是會改變你的想法的。

there are 168 hours in a week. twenty-four times seven is 168 hours. that is a lot of time. if you are working a full-time job, so 40 hours a week, sleeping eight hours a night, so 56 hours a week -- that leaves 72 hours for other things. that is a lot of time.

我們每周都有168個小時，24乘以7是168個小時。這是一段很長時間。假如你有一個全職的工作，一周是40個小時，每晚睡八個小時，一周是56個小時，我們有剩下72個小時來做其他事情。這是一段很長的時間。

you say you're working 50 hours a week, maybe a main job and a side hustle. well, that leaves 62 hours for other things. you say you're working 60 hours. well, that leaves 52 hours for other things. you say you're working more than 60 hours. well, are you sure?

假如你說你每周工作50個小時，比如一份全職和一份兼職。這樣你還是有60小時去做其他的事情。假如你說你每周工作60個小時，你還是有52個小時去做其他的事情。你說你每周工作超過60個小時，你確定嗎?

there was once a study comparing people's estimated work weeks with time diaries. they found that people claiming 75-plus-hour work weeks were off by about 25 hours.

曾經(jīng)有一個研究對比了人們估計的工作時間，和實際的工作日記。他們發(fā)現(xiàn)那些表示工作超過75小時的人，有25小時的誤差。

you can guess in which direction, right? anyway, in 168 hours a week, i think we can find time for what matters to you.

你可以猜到這個誤差是多了還是少了吧?無論如何，在一周的168個小時里，我覺得我們總可以找到時間做我們想做的事。

if you want to spend more time with your kids, you want to study more for a test you're taking, you want to e_ercise for three hours and volunteer for two, you can. and that's even if you're working way more than full-time hours.

如果你想花時間陪陪你的孩子，或者準備你即將到來的考試，你想鍛煉兩三個小時或者 做兩個小時志愿者，你都可以的。即便你的工作時間遠超過法定時間。

so we have plenty of time, which is great, because guess what? we don't even need that much time to do amazing things. but when most of us have bits of time, what do we do? pull out the phone, right?start deleting emails. otherwise, we're puttering around the house or watching tv.

所以我們有很多時間，這很好。但是你知道嗎?我們根本不需要那么多時間去完成一個大目標。但當我們有一點空閑時間的時候，我們會做什么?拿出手機，是吧?開始刪除郵件?；蛘咴诩依镩e逛，看電視。

but small moments can have great power. you can use your bits of time for bits of joy. maybe it's choosing to read something wonderful on the bus on the way to work.

但是每個不起眼的時刻都潛力無限。你可以用零星的時間，來獲得零星的快樂。比如說在去上班的公車上讀一些精彩的東西。

i know when i had a job that required two bus rides and a subway ride every morning, i used to go to the library on weekends to get stuff to read. it made the whole e_perience almost, almost, enjoyable. breaks at work can be used for meditating or praying. if family dinner is out because of your crazy work schedule, maybe family breakfast could be a good substitute.

當我以前的工作需要我每天早上乘兩趟公車和一趟地鐵的時候，我周末會去圖書館找東西來讀。這幾乎，幾乎讓我的生活更豐富了。工作間隙的休息時間可以用來冥想或者禱告。如果你因為工作忙而不能吃家庭晚餐，試一下家庭早餐。

it's about looking at the whole of one's time and seeing where the good stuff can go. i truly believe this.there is time. even if we are busy, we have time for what matters. and when we focus on what matters, we can build the lives we want in the time we've got.

這就是看著一個人所有的時間，然后找到什么時候可以做想做的事。我真的相信，我們都有充分的時間。就算我們很忙，我們?nèi)匀挥袝r間去做重要的事。當我們關(guān)注在重要的事上時，我們可以用所擁有的時間創(chuàng)造我們想要的生活。

thank you.

謝謝。

第4篇 自由演講稿

閱讀小貼士：本篇共計6432個字，預計看完需要17分鐘，共有117位用戶收藏，13人推薦！

mr. speaker, members of the 77th congress:

i address you, the members of this new congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. i use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has american security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.

since the permanent formation of our government under the constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. and, fortunately, only one of these-the four-year war between the states-ever threatened our national unity. today, thank god, 130,000,000 americans in forty-eight states have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.

it is true that prior to 1914 the united states often has been disturbed by events in other continents. we have even engaged in two wars with european nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the west indies, in the mediterranean and in the pacific, for the maintenance of american rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. but in no case has a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.

what i seek to convey is the historic truth that the united states as a nation has at all times maintained opposition-clear, definite opposition-to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the americas.

that determination of ours, e_tending over all these years, was proved, for e_ample, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the french revolution. while the napoleonic struggle did threaten interests of the united states because of the french foothold in the west indies and in louisiana, and while we engaged in the war of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither france nor great britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.

and in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914-ninety-nine years-no single war in europe or in asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other american nation.

e_cept in the ma_imilian interlude in me_ico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. and friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.

even when the world war broke out in 1914 it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own american future. but as time went on, as we remember, the american people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.

we need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of versailles. we need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. we should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today.

the american people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.

i suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world-assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace.

during si_teen long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. and the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.

therefore, as your president, performing my constitutional duty to “give to the congress information of the state of the union,” i find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.

armed defense of democratic e_istence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. if that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of europe and asia, africa and australia will be dominated by conquerors. and let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly e_ceeds the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the western hemisphere-yes, many times over.

in times like these it is immature- and, incidentally, untrue-for anybody to brag that an unprepared america, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.

no realistic american can e_pect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of e_pression, or freedom of religion-or even good business. such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.

as a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. we must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the ism of appeasement. we must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the american eagle in order to feather their own nests.

i have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually e_pect if the dictator nation win this war.

there is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. obviously, as long as the british navy retains its power, no such danger e_ists. even if there were no british navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the united states from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.

but we learn much from the lessons of the past years in europe-particularly the lesson of norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years.

the first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. the necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes-and great numbers of them are already here and in latin america.

as long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.

and that is why the future of all the american republics is today in serious danger. that is why this annual message to the congress is unique in our history. that is why every member of the e_ecutive branch of the government and every member of the congress face great responsibility-great accountability.

the need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily-almost e_clusively-to meeting this foreign peril. for all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.

just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. and the justice of morality must and will win in the end.

our national policy is this:

first, by an impressive e_pression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.

second, by an impressive e_pression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. by this support we e_press our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.

third, by an impressive e_pression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principle of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. we know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.

in the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. no issue was fought out on the line before the american electorate. and today it is abundantly evident that american citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.

therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. goals of speed have been set. in some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. in some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. and in some cases-and, i am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.

the army and navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. actual e_perience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. and today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.

i am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. the men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability and in patriotism. they are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. none of us will be satisfied until the job is done.

no matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.

to give you two illustrations:

we are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes.

we are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.

we are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.

to change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, and new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.

the congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. however, there is certain information, as the congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.

new circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. i shall ask this congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.

i also ask this congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. they do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.

the time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. we cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.

i do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. i recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the united states, fitting their orders into our own program. and nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.

taking counsel of e_pert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.

for what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.

let us say to the democracies: 'we americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. we are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. we shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. this is our purpose and our pledge.'

in fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.

and when the dictators-if the dictators--are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.

they did not wait for norway or belgium or the netherlands to commit an act of war. their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. the happiness of future generations of americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. no one can tell the e_act character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. the nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.

yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency-almost as serious as war itself--demands. whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations at any time, must give way to the national need.

a free nation has the right to e_pect full cooperation from all groups. a free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own groups.

the best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic e_ample, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.

as men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from an unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. the mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.

the nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in america. those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.

certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. for there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.

the basic things e_pected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. they are:

equality of opportunity for youth and for others.

jobs for those who can work.

security for those who need it.

the ending of special privilege for the few.

the preservation of civil liberties for all.

the enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.

these are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable comple_ity of our modern world. the inner and abiding straight of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these e_pectations.

many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. as e_amples:

we should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.

we should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.

we should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.

i have called for personal sacrifice, and i am assured of the willingness of almost all americans to respond to that call. a part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in ta_es. in my budget message i will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from ta_ation than we are paying for today. no person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of ta_ payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.

if the congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.

in the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.

the first is freedom of speech and e_pression--everywhere in the world.

the second is freedom of every person to worship god in his own way everywhere in the world.

the third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants--everywhere in the world.

the fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.

that is no vision of a distant millennium. it is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. that kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.

to that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. a good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.

since the beginning of our american history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. the world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.

this nation has placed its destiny in the hands, heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of god. freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. our strength is our unity of purpose.

to that high concept there can be no end save victory.

第5篇 自由演講稿

閱讀小貼士：本篇共計877個字，預計看完需要3分鐘，共有114位用戶收藏，18人推薦！

尊敬的老師，親愛的同學們：

大家好！

如今的社會在追求平等，過去的社會也在追求平等，好像從古代到今天，從外國到中國，每個社會都在追求平等。而平等又像個太陽讓我們看到光明頂希望，卻永遠觸及不到。

從中華人民共和國成立的那一天，就在追求男女平等，而今呢？真的真正上的平等了嗎？那就不會聽到丟棄的女嬰在嚴寒中哭泣?！澳信降取彼膫€簡單的字，卻可拯救無數(shù)條女嬰的生命。如果現(xiàn)在社會上真正男女平等了，那就說明人們的思想已經(jīng)被重新更換，就像樹一樣，既然長滿了蛀蟲，就應(yīng)該連根拔起，重新栽種上新的樹苗，并根深蒂固。可是，更換思想怎么會那么容易呢？人們的思想已被一代代的封建思想侵蝕了。所以我們新的一代，不被腐化的一代要拯救那一個個幼小的生靈。高舉“男女平等”的旗幟，就算永遠追不上，也要像愚公移山一樣持之以恒，因為我們要追求平等。

人從生下來就是平等的，不管你是出生在貧困家庭還是富裕家庭，一樣擁有相同的中華人民共和國的平等____，承擔著相同的法律責任和道德義務(wù)?？墒强傆杏幸恍┤瞬贿@樣認為，他們憑借著自己錢多權(quán)大，就我行我素，好像世界上他們就是主宰，貧窮的人就應(yīng)該為他們服務(wù)，就應(yīng)該做他們的奴隸。這就違背了我們所追求的平等。不管你財多物富與否，不管你位高權(quán)重與否，身為公民都應(yīng)該享有同樣的權(quán)利，承擔相同的義務(wù)。這不僅?_曳傷娑ǎ?a href='www.koomao.com/hotnews/gerenjianli.html' target='_blank' title='個人簡歷'>個人簡歷也應(yīng)該是每個懂得平等的人所追求的。上帝讓我們來到這五彩繽紛的世間時，就賦予了我們相同的權(quán)利，給了我們親情、友情、健康、快樂——但同時也讓我們承擔了相同的義務(wù)，那就是共同創(chuàng)建一個和諧、美好、平等的社會。

時常聽到有人抱怨說：“上天太不公平了，為什么所有的不幸都讓我碰上了？”事實上，上天對每個人都是公平的，只是因為社會上的各種因素而導致讓你覺得上天的不公。而恰恰相反，上天讓你在磨練中成長了一些，明白了一些人情世故。所以我們不要埋怨上天，只是人類永遠的貪婪和無窮的欲望，讓我們看到了社會中的不平等。而我們要做的只有擺在自己的心態(tài)，平等對待生活，平等對待每一個生命，也許他們同你有一樣的遭遇。

第6篇 自由演講稿

閱讀小貼士：本篇共計922個字，預計看完需要3分鐘，共有175位用戶收藏，14人推薦！

發(fā)現(xiàn)優(yōu)勢，自由生長——在蘄春實驗學校的演講稿 蘄春是李時珍的故鄉(xiāng)。李時珍也是讀書人，考中秀才之后，接連幾次去武昌考舉人，都沒有考中，于是干脆放棄，開始行醫(yī)，因為醫(yī)術(shù)高明，所以當了太醫(yī)。但他當了一段時間后，回到了民間，讀萬卷書，行萬里路，撰寫了190萬字的《本草綱目》，為中國醫(yī)藥做出了偉大的貢獻。

這也說明，人才的發(fā)展，并非只有一條路，走最適合自己的道路，才是最明智的。在李時珍的時代，讀書人的出路，不外乎三種，做官、行醫(yī)、教書。而在我們的時代，出路卻空前的廣泛，尤其是我們互聯(lián)網(wǎng)時代，人選擇職業(yè)越來越自由，也就更容易找到自己愛做的事，得到自我價值的實現(xiàn)。

這就是我今天演講的主題：別樣的青春期，發(fā)現(xiàn)優(yōu)勢，自由生長。

就在上周五，一個同事來找我。他四十歲，中科院博士，材料學教授。材料學，大家聽了，是不是有點不明覺厲??？我對他的專業(yè)也肅然起敬?？删褪沁@個年富力強、前途無量的大教授，卻告訴我，他其實不喜歡材料學，而是喜歡寫詩，寫小說。我覺得好奇怪，那你為什么學材料呢？他說，讀中學時，大家都說，工科有出息，有前途，所以他明明喜歡文科，但卻沒勇氣去學，而是選了理科。然后呢，人在江湖，身不由己。他本科學了物理，碩士讀了物理化學，博士讀了材料學，他一直從事這一行的研究，而把心愛的文學擱置了二十年。他現(xiàn)在工作穩(wěn)定，但總覺得沒勁，每天干的事情，只不過為了生存，而不是他真正熱愛的。于是，在五年前，他開始寫作，到現(xiàn)在，已經(jīng)完成了兩部長篇小說，上百首詩。我讀了以后，覺得都還不錯，但是因為沒有專業(yè)訓練，所以不太能發(fā)表。而他已經(jīng)四十歲了，而且陷入了兩難境界：原來的工作不喜歡，但又舍不得放棄，不放棄，又沒時間訓練寫作，所以兩頭不討好。當他得知我本科學的是生物學，研究生讀的是文學，就嘆息說：“為什么在很年輕的時候，不勇敢一點，選擇自己喜歡的專業(yè)呢？”

世間之事就是這樣。等你明白路怎么走的時候，往往已無路可走。所以，在人生的關(guān)鍵時刻，需要當頭棒喝。這個來棒喝的人，可以是自己，可以是別人，也可以是命運。但大多數(shù)人沒有這個自省能力，等命運敲響警鐘，又往往為時過晚。所以，我今天站在這個，給大家一聲棒喝。

這次講座四十五分鐘，剛好一節(jié)課的時間，希望我們一起快樂地度過這難得的時光。

第7篇 自由演講稿

閱讀小貼士：本篇共計1067個字，預計看完需要3分鐘，共有246位用戶收藏，14人推薦！

尊敬的老師，親愛的同學們：

大家好!

自由，似乎是很多人一直都夢想得到的，但自由只是一個抽象的概念，那么，何為自由?

有人認為自由是一切以自我為中心，也有人認為自由是有錢有權(quán)，心有所想，事有所成。而我認為自由不僅僅是物質(zhì)的，更體現(xiàn)在精神層面。我對自由的尋找就從書中開始……

自由在一本本童話書中。在很小的時候，讀的最多的是那些王子與公主的唯美的愛情故事，他們都試圖擺脫物質(zhì)上的束縛，突破重重困難，只為尋找到那屬于自己的愛情。而在我看來，那不僅僅是愛情，更是敢于突破自身和困境，尋找那來之不易的心靈上的自由。在我心中，自由就是那最后的大團圓，是永恒的歡聲笑語，是永遠的愛與被愛。但隨著年齡的增長，卻發(fā)現(xiàn)，愛不會永遠的存在每個人身上。在這個世界上，還有著許多被遺忘的人，他們或許被戰(zhàn)亂所害，或許被貧窮所困，他們在生死間掙扎，為滿足物質(zhì)生活而奔波，他們?nèi)鄙賽郏鄙訇P(guān)懷，因此得不到心靈上的自由。

自由在哪?在我少年的生活中，一直有著對這個問題探求的渴望。在那個黑暗的中世紀，許多哲人探尋著自由與愛。于是，但丁的《神曲》引領(lǐng)我尋找愛，尋找自由。在那黑暗的地獄是不愛人者的居所，是奪他人自由者的囚籠，在這里的所有人都被功名利祿等心魔所困擾和折磨，以至于接受懲罰的煎熬。那美麗的，擁有著朝陽的煉獄給予了渴望愛渴望自由之人新的希望，他們通過心靈的修行，渴望擺脫心魔，不斷追求心靈的自由。而那充滿著愛與被愛的天堂，則是真正的自由之地，因為在這里的人們心靈純善，互愛互敬，相處和諧。尋找是《神曲》的主題，自由則是它尋找的目的。原來自由是要被尋找和發(fā)現(xiàn)的，它蘊藏在每一份愛人者的身邊，愛著他人，不僅給予了他人自由，也給予了自己自由。

如今，我在我們的先哲那里發(fā)現(xiàn)了自由的更高境界?！抖Y記》曾經(jīng)為我們建造了一個大同世界，在這個世界里“外戶而不閉”，人人無心作惡，這叫善的大同。孟子提倡“老吾老以及人之老幼吾幼以及人之幼”，社會上老有所養(yǎng)，少有所依，貧困之人也有著來自他人的救濟，沒有人自私自利，只顧自己的功名利祿;每個人都可以做自己想做的事，去追求心靈、精神上的自由。但“敬人易，則愛人難”，想將“愛人”普及到所有人，是十分困難的，這就需要極高的素養(yǎng)，需要人與人之間互敬互愛，真正做到心中無我，只有他人，這就需要我們努力突破心靈的束縛，扔下一切思想上的自私與小我，這樣做就能得到心靈上的解放和精神上的愉悅愜意，達到真正的自由。

所以，自由不是憑空而生，它從愛中而來，只有對他人，這個社會，對世間的一切生靈都飽含愛意，這個人才會獲得真正的自由;當每個人都處在愛之中，整個社會就會獲得真正的自由。

第8篇 自由演講稿

閱讀小貼士：本篇共計577個字，預計看完需要2分鐘，共有250位用戶收藏，26人推薦！

尊敬的老師，親愛的同學們：

大家好!

很多人可能會以為，一個人只要擁有了財富與權(quán)力，便可以為所欲為地做任何事情，才會擁有真正的自由，殊不知，那不過是作繭自縛，永遠也不會得到真正的自由。或許那會使你得到一時的痛快，但是，最終只會換來一世的不痛快，那么，何為真正的自由呢?

我們都想擺脫規(guī)則的束縛，變得如同詩仙李白一般，不懼權(quán)貴，一心做著自己喜歡做的事情，可是，不勞而獲的事情永遠不可能發(fā)生?！坝魍豕冢爻衅渲亍?，一個人若想要獲得真正的自由，那么，他勢必先需懂得如何忍受孤獨。

在追尋自由的道路上，不會有人與你相伴，只會有無數(shù)的嘲諷與不屑。漫漫長路，只會有自己獨身與黑暗對抗，也只有在這樣的條件下，才可以塑造出一顆真正堅不可摧的強大內(nèi)心。

正如詩仙李白一般他在經(jīng)歷過現(xiàn)實的黑暗，感受到官府的無能與殘暴后，便尋求擺脫官府的束縛，她既不攀附權(quán)貴，又不與世俗同流合污，過著世人所不能理解的生活——因為在世人眼中，人就應(yīng)該為了權(quán)力與財富攀附權(quán)貴。他這個世人眼中的瘋子，在經(jīng)歷了別人的不屑與嘲諷，經(jīng)歷了他人無法忍受的寂寞與孤獨后，獲得了真正的自由——他隱世于山林之中，整日與詩為伴，游歷于河山之間，過著自己向往的生活，自由快活，留下了“我本楚狂人，鳳歌笑孔丘”這樣狂放不羈的絕句。

當一個人承受過孤獨無助的痛苦過后，他才可能擁有真正的自由——既可以一心做自己喜愛的事情，有不會影響到他人。

第9篇 自由演講稿

閱讀小貼士：本篇共計1031個字，預計看完需要3分鐘，共有161位用戶收藏，22人推薦！

“生命的寬度在于自由，一個人獲得了自由，生命也就有了真正的價值”

青春期伊始，當我把這句話作為信仰，并且試圖追求它時，整個世界是與我做對的。我曾帶著疑惑去詢問長輩，老師，得到的答案永遠是否定;我以為朋友能懂我，當他們覺得我在開玩笑時，我感到了憂傷。

青春期幼嫩的芽兒經(jīng)不起摧折，我只能選擇沉默，卻不安分。

我相信生命，更追求自由。至少那時的我，無所畏懼。

在一次次的叛逆與逃離后，我的父母開始重視這個問題，盡管他們不能理解我的勇氣從何而來。

他們把我?guī)У揭巴?，給了我一頂帳篷和一只旅行包。爸爸對我說：“我們愿意給你足夠的自由，你將會在這里待到明天。也許明天我們都會有新的想法?！?/p>

“主意不錯?！蔽覜]有表現(xiàn)出恐懼，并能清楚地看到他們臉上的驚訝與失望。

在說明書的指導下我很容易就搭好了帳篷，不錯的開端。接下來很長的一段時間都很無聊，可新鮮感還未消散，我還是感到很愜意。我堅信在這難得的一天我會過得很精彩。正值盛夏，青草綠的發(fā)油，草香混著泥土樸實的氣息讓我昏昏欲睡，我斜躺在草叢里，看著天空綿密的云，微風像溫柔的手輕撫過發(fā)絲，臉頰，我從未覺得如此自由過，甚至在很多瞬間，都能體會到靈魂漫入云端的喜悅。

余暉萬丈過后，天邊星子如亂棋。第一個獨自在外的夜晚，夜空繁星璀璨，熠熠生輝。想唱首好聽的歌，或者靜靜享受著靜謐，可當潮濕的水珠打在我的脊背，蚊蟲開始叮咬我時，我越來越煩躁不安。無心再享受，鉆進了帳篷之后我的身體開始發(fā)冷，媽媽為我準備的薄毯披在身上，我發(fā)現(xiàn)我開始想念父母了。

我怎么能說后悔呢?盡管我已經(jīng)開始后悔，可是我并不想承認。

野外的夜晚并不寂靜，田野里，小河邊，四周，到處都蟲鳴蛙叫。我的聽覺，視力比平常好像發(fā)達了數(shù)千倍，偶爾樹枝折斷的聲音都能引起我的警惕，映在帳篷上的草叢被風吹動的影子好像快要把我吞噬。膽戰(zhàn)心驚，我不能停止一些想象。我想象著月亮真的像電影里一樣變化，被一朵暗云遮住，又逐漸變得半遮不遮，可是透出的光卻紅的詭異;我想象著遠處小山包突然慢慢移動，一點一點逼近我。

我害怕了。

我發(fā)自內(nèi)心的后悔了。我痛恨自己的愚蠢，無知，任意妄為，為自己帶來了天大的麻煩。其實我并沒有膽量，更不懂如何經(jīng)營自己的生命。盲目追求的自由，毫無意義的生命。自由與生命，是沒錯的，錯的是我的偏執(zhí)。有什么生命，比家人，朋友在身邊，夜晚不會恐懼，瑣碎的小事不會讓自己無聊更有價值，更自由呢?

我忘記了那個夜晚有沒有睡著，我只記得看到第二天的太陽，感覺心是滿足的，看到父母的笑容，感覺生命是完整無憾的。

那一天，不想忘記。

第10篇 自由演講稿

閱讀小貼士：本篇共計806個字，預計看完需要3分鐘，共有174位用戶收藏，22人推薦！

自由，一個充滿快樂，充滿幸福的詞。有多少的人向往這種生活，向往自由。自由，它代表著我們的喜怒哀樂，代表著人生中的坎坎坷坷。自由可謂是人的靈魂。

從小我就渴望自由，渴望著家長的放手?？墒?，從小到大家長從來都不給自由的空間我，他們會時時刻刻“盯”著我，我似乎連喘氣的機會都沒有。

小時候，家人以還小的理由不讓我出去玩，整天呆在家里。每當我想逃出時總有一股巨大的力量阻攔著我，頓時我渴望自由。

當我漸漸長大的時候，有了好伙伴，她們時常叫我出去玩，但是幾乎每一次我都無法用任何理由征得媽媽的同意。久而久之，我和她們就慢慢地疏遠了。

我非?？释杂伞Ｎ矣憛拕e人管著我、束縛著我。這種渴望在一天一天地增加，可是家人卻一天比一天管得嚴。很多時候我覺得非常難受，快窒息了。

我真的非?？释杂?，我也能理解父母望子成龍、望女成鳳的夢想。但是他們應(yīng)該給我們一些自由，放開我們的手，讓我們自己去闖一片屬于自己的天地。只有真正的放手，才能讓自己的孩子成長起來。

你們以為把孩子關(guān)在家里，孩子們就會收心認真學習嗎?你們真是大錯特錯。你們越是這樣我們就越渴望自由，覺得在這里連喘氣的機會都沒有，想逃出去，遠離這里。就算你們這么做真的讓孩子成龍成鳳了，孩子就會開心嗎?我們總是說童年是最快樂的?？墒鞘聦嵳媸侨绱藛?我不這么覺得，整天被學習壓得差點窒息。

我渴望我的自由，假如我擁有了它，我要變成一只鷹，在蔚藍的天空上飛翔，去世界最高、最遠的地方，去完成我的夢;在風雨中，我會傲然飛翔，盡管有多大的困難，我都會做最好的自己。

家長們，放心吧，放開孩子的手，我們長大了，遇到挫折已不會再哭泣，跌倒了會笑著站起來。。我們渴望自由，渴望我們自己的青春，讓我們自己面對生活，自己選擇吧!

你們只有真正地放手了，我才會成鳳，才不會怕遇到困難和挫折，哪怕是掉下了萬谷深淵，我也不會懼怕不會氣餒不會跌倒，我會再一步一步地爬到最高的地方。

你們放心吧!沒有你們的攙扶我也會磕磕碰碰地向前走去。